NATO

Izzet Hamdi Öğüş, M. Balk, Y. Aksoy, Meltem Müftüoğlu, N. Özer

Christoph Deppe, Gary S. Schaal

This study evaluates NATO ACT's cognitive warfare concept from a political science perspective, exploring its utility beyond military applications. Despite its growing presence in scholarly discourse, the concept's interdisciplinary nature has hindered a unified definition. By analyzing NATO's framework, developed with input from diverse disciplines and both military and civilian researchers, this paper seeks to assess its applicability to political science. It aims to bridge military and civilian research divides and refine NATO's cognitive warfare approach, offering significant implications for enhancing political science research and fostering integrated scholarly collaboration.

A. Gilli, Mauro Gilli, Gorana Grgić

Abstract This article discusses the implications of multi-domain operations (MDO) on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) future. By examining both the historical literature and the antecedents of MDO, the authors identify three salient areas to the successful future conduct of MDO. They also raise concerns regarding the potential challenge posed by MDO to individual NATO countries, the alliance system, as well as its broader competitive strategy. Finally, the article discusses the growing risks posed by emerging enabling technologies and highlights the necessity of comprehensive MDO strategic planning for the Alliance’s future security and effectiveness.

Dimitrios Dimitriou, E. Goulas, Christos Kallandranis, Konstantinos Drakos

ABSTRACT Given its significant socioeconomic implications, the nexus between military expenditures and economic growth has been the subject of an extensive theoretical and empirical debate. The present study focuses on NATO vs. non-NATO member countries (i.e. 141 countries) as a case study to empirically examine the aforementioned complex relationship during the period 1992–2020. Using annual data, we employ a panel model, as well as spectral preliminary analysis that takes into account the nonlinear behaviour of our series, positive or negative causal relationships and their coherence characteristics across both time and frequency domains. Findings reported herein from an extended panel of several states suggest that military expenditure enhances economic growth under the NATO alliance case, whereas it becomes harmful for growth in the case of non-NATO alliances such as the SCO & CSTO. Our study contributes to the understanding on the crucial role of a military alliance membership in the formation of the economic growth and military spending relationship. Hence, our findings can be beneficial for policymakers to account for the existence of possible spillovers that may arise from country participation in a military alliance.

Tuomas Forsberg

Finland's decision to apply for membership in NATO is a case of bottom‐up driven foreign policy. Public opinion had been rather stable for more than 25 years in the NATO issue with less than 30 per cent of the people supporting Finland's membership in NATO but almost overnight during the week when Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine, a majority of Finns were in favour of it. Only after that shift in public opinion did the decision‐makers support the idea of joining NATO. How was the bottom‐up driven change possible? First, the resistance to NATO membership in Finland was common but not deep. Second, in the run‐up to the war, Russia had demanded that NATO put a stop to its open door policy not only with regard to Ukraine but also for Finland. Third, Russia's unprovoked war on Ukraine constituted a particular frame in Finland, because the 1939 Winter War analogy was a key part of the collective memory. Finally, due to a strong tradition of national consensus in foreign and security policy, the shift in the public opinion became overwhelming: when the tide had turned, only very few resisted. In sum, four factors enabled the public opinion change: a rational basis for opinion change, a sense of urgency, an emotional push and the consensus effect. Although public opinion is often seen as stabilising and retardant force particularly in foreign and security policy, it can also be a driver for change when suitable conditions such as those in Finland exist.